Wednesday, May 30, 2007
Sunday, May 27, 2007
Et tu, UN?
HEADLINE: When the peacekeepers become the problem
BYLINE: RAMESH THAKUR
The real UN scandal over the past decade was not the oil-for-food program in Iraq, but the abuse of civilians by UN peacekeepers. Almost 200,000 personnel from more than 100 countries are rotated through UN operations every year. After the damaging allegations of protectors turned predators in the Democratic Republic of Congo, usually in exchange for food or change money,Jordan's UN ambassador Prince Zeid Hussein wrote a forthright report that led to a new and stringent code of conduct for preventing, identifying and responding to sexual misconduct by UN peacekeepers.
The problem persists: UN vehicles are not an uncommon sight in haunts frequented by teenage prostitutes. Sexual exploitation and abuse are not the only side effects of the large numbers of missions and personnel living and working in isolation, far away from home and family, in conditions of loneliness, and without the discipline of the behaviour-regulating norms and codes of conduct of their home countries. Most studies of UN operations focus on the stated mandates and implicit goals of the international community and troop-contributing countries, and the success or failure in implementing them. But peace operations also produce unintended negative consequences, caused by the flood of international money -such as increased corruption and inflation, more prostitution, sex-trafficking and underworld criminal activity. Often the presence of large numbers of people on international salaries creates a shadow economy that drains skills, experience and talent away from the national bureaucracy, as in Afghanistan.
Consider the case of HIV/AIDS. In some of the war-affected countries of deployment in sub-Saharan Africa, the HIV prevalence rate is 40-60 per cent.Soldiers tend to be mainly men of a sexually active age, with money in their pockets far in excess of prevailing local incomes, deployed away from home for six months and prone by temperament and training to risk-taking behaviour.Almost half the Dutch military personnel serving with the UN mission in Cambodia in the 1990s had sexual contact with prostitutes or other local women. Often soldiers come into contact with young boys and girls who are poor,unemployed and traumatized victims of sexual exploitation during prolonged and vicious armed conflict. Troops from countries with high HIV/AIDS prevalence rates make up one-third of UN peacekeepers. Some African military forces have infection rates five times that of the civilian population. Some countries, Ghana, for example, conduct compulsory testing before selecting soldiers for mission deployment. Some resist, for reasons of social and cultural sensitivity, others simply lack adequate testing facilities.
The number and seriousness of side effects of UN peace operations increased along with the growing numbers and complexity of the missions after the Cold War. In some cases, when children are raped by soldiers, for example, serious harm is done to individuals and communities that the peacekeepers are meant to protect, the ability of the mission to fulfill its mandate is weakened, the legitimacy of the UN as an organizer of peacekeeping is eroded, and support for the UN as a whole is diminished in both host and troop-contributing countries.
It is not easy to identify proper legal remedies. Many allegations are difficult to prove in a court of law. The offending soldiers are subject to the disciplinary authority of their own military, not the UN. Often, alleged perpetrators have returned home while victims and witnesses are from host countries with weak criminal justice systems. Yet, international peacekeepers must be held internationally accountable for criminal acts. Merely repeating promises of zero tolerance and setting up task forces and committees is not enough. In addition to education and training inhuman rights and international humanitarian law and standards, peacekeepers must be brought within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court and made subject to criminal prosecution. Countries that demur from the more stringent standards, codes of conduct and international investigations and prosecution should be excused from contributing personnel to UN operations.
***
Ramesh Thakur Distinguished fellow at the Centre for International Governance Innovation in Waterloo, Ont.
***
Ramesh Thakur, former vice-rector of the UN University in Tokyo, is co-editor of the recently published Unintended Consequences of Peacekeeping Operations.
BYLINE: RAMESH THAKUR
The real UN scandal over the past decade was not the oil-for-food program in Iraq, but the abuse of civilians by UN peacekeepers. Almost 200,000 personnel from more than 100 countries are rotated through UN operations every year. After the damaging allegations of protectors turned predators in the Democratic Republic of Congo, usually in exchange for food or change money,Jordan's UN ambassador Prince Zeid Hussein wrote a forthright report that led to a new and stringent code of conduct for preventing, identifying and responding to sexual misconduct by UN peacekeepers.
The problem persists: UN vehicles are not an uncommon sight in haunts frequented by teenage prostitutes. Sexual exploitation and abuse are not the only side effects of the large numbers of missions and personnel living and working in isolation, far away from home and family, in conditions of loneliness, and without the discipline of the behaviour-regulating norms and codes of conduct of their home countries. Most studies of UN operations focus on the stated mandates and implicit goals of the international community and troop-contributing countries, and the success or failure in implementing them. But peace operations also produce unintended negative consequences, caused by the flood of international money -such as increased corruption and inflation, more prostitution, sex-trafficking and underworld criminal activity. Often the presence of large numbers of people on international salaries creates a shadow economy that drains skills, experience and talent away from the national bureaucracy, as in Afghanistan.
Consider the case of HIV/AIDS. In some of the war-affected countries of deployment in sub-Saharan Africa, the HIV prevalence rate is 40-60 per cent.Soldiers tend to be mainly men of a sexually active age, with money in their pockets far in excess of prevailing local incomes, deployed away from home for six months and prone by temperament and training to risk-taking behaviour.Almost half the Dutch military personnel serving with the UN mission in Cambodia in the 1990s had sexual contact with prostitutes or other local women. Often soldiers come into contact with young boys and girls who are poor,unemployed and traumatized victims of sexual exploitation during prolonged and vicious armed conflict. Troops from countries with high HIV/AIDS prevalence rates make up one-third of UN peacekeepers. Some African military forces have infection rates five times that of the civilian population. Some countries, Ghana, for example, conduct compulsory testing before selecting soldiers for mission deployment. Some resist, for reasons of social and cultural sensitivity, others simply lack adequate testing facilities.
The number and seriousness of side effects of UN peace operations increased along with the growing numbers and complexity of the missions after the Cold War. In some cases, when children are raped by soldiers, for example, serious harm is done to individuals and communities that the peacekeepers are meant to protect, the ability of the mission to fulfill its mandate is weakened, the legitimacy of the UN as an organizer of peacekeeping is eroded, and support for the UN as a whole is diminished in both host and troop-contributing countries.
It is not easy to identify proper legal remedies. Many allegations are difficult to prove in a court of law. The offending soldiers are subject to the disciplinary authority of their own military, not the UN. Often, alleged perpetrators have returned home while victims and witnesses are from host countries with weak criminal justice systems. Yet, international peacekeepers must be held internationally accountable for criminal acts. Merely repeating promises of zero tolerance and setting up task forces and committees is not enough. In addition to education and training inhuman rights and international humanitarian law and standards, peacekeepers must be brought within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court and made subject to criminal prosecution. Countries that demur from the more stringent standards, codes of conduct and international investigations and prosecution should be excused from contributing personnel to UN operations.
***
Ramesh Thakur Distinguished fellow at the Centre for International Governance Innovation in Waterloo, Ont.
***
Ramesh Thakur, former vice-rector of the UN University in Tokyo, is co-editor of the recently published Unintended Consequences of Peacekeeping Operations.
Wednesday, May 23, 2007
.. and they will come: Qendra Kosovare per Strehim dhe Trajnimin e Qeneve Endacak (Kosovo Shelter for Stray Dogs)
I was recently contacted by the "Qendra Kosovare per Strehim dhe Trajnimin e Qeneve Endacak (Kosovo Shelter for Stray Dogs)". According to Petra, who contacted me, Qendra Kosovare per Strehim dhe Trajnimin e Qeneve Endacak is one of a kind of such facility in Kosovo. It is situated near the Prishtina airport. Here is the group's quote:
"The shelter has been built and funded solely by two Albanian Kosovars Florim Ferati and Nexhmedin Kabashi and has been in operation since May 2004. Both myself and Toni-Maree McInnes are NZ veterinarians based in the UK. We first visited Kosovo in April 2005 and have since been visiting biannually for approx 2 months per year taking unpaid leave from our jobs in the UK to volunteer at the shelter. We have independently set up a veterinary clinic at the shelter where our primary focus is the sterilisation of the streetdogs as well as providing medical care to owned dogs of both locals and internationals. We also spend a lot of our time raising funds and awareness within Kosovo and abroad. The shelter is a registered NGO but receives no formal funding relying solely upon donations to finance the daily running costs and continual upgrading of the facilities. Please see our website www.kosovodogshelter.org for further information. We will be in Kosovo for 3 weeks from Sunday May 27th . . . We will no doubt be running our well known pub quiz at the Phoenix Bar to raise funds during this time where we are well known!"
Sounds like they are doing great work and I encourage all animal lovers to support them. However, if I am (yes, I am), I'd like to raise an issue about the work of the doctors above. I am not up to date about the constitutional or statutory rights of dogs in various countries, but doesn't the sterilization of street dogs seem sort of ... how do I put this tactfully ... discriminatory and "classist". How come dogs with owners get medical care while street dogs only get sterilized? I am just raising a point which can be extrapolated to the state of human welfare where poor people seem to always be "paternalized" and sometimes made to feel that they do not deserve to pro-create due to their economic status. No, I did not make this up; there are groups and people from the West who go around paying people to sterilize themselves and stop having babies and some courts have upheld these arrangements as valid contracts. Yes, yes, Luna is running wild with ideas again but take a moment to wonder with the street dogs why they should get sterilized. I would appreciate Petra or someone else from the organization answering this for me. I am sure there is a good explanation for it; I just want to know it.
But people, not to take away focus from the work of this good organization, I should stop now. At least, they are doing something to help animals they care for ... that much cannot be said about most of us in Prishtina who just spend all our time drinking macchiatos!!!
In answer to my query above:
Hi Luna
We would like to clarify a few of the points from the previous email and hopefully clear up any confusion!
We are certainly not "classist" and when in Kosovo are more that happy (and do) sterilise owned dogs. The majority of our sterilisation is of street dogs for a number of reasons. Firstly the dogs in our shelter are street dogs and we sterilise them before homing, and secondly the concept of
sterilisation is not widely accepted/understood by the general public of Kosovo and hence we only have a small number of owned dogs presented for surgery. We regularly treat sick/injured street dogs as well as owned dogs when we (the vets) are in Kosovo. We must take care when treating owned dogs so as to always be mindful that we are not taking paid work away from the local veterinarians. With regard to sterilisation this is not too much of a problem as few perform this surgery. When we are not in Kosovo there are no veterinary services available at the shelter and sick/injured dogs and cats must be taken to a local veterinarian for treatment.
In answer to your query on sterilisation.....
Kosovo has tens of thousands of street dogs. Currently shooting campaigns are being run in an effort to reduce the dog population and individuals are being offered €7.50 for the tail of every dead dog. The practice of shooting dogs as a means of population control goes against World Heath Organisation guidelines. It is inhumane and in the long term is ineffective. Shootings are inhumane because dogs are often injured and suffer prolonged painful deaths. Those shot are usually the more tame members of the population and the more aggressive wary problem dogs are more likely to remain and for want of a better term are negative "role models" for new pack
members who can intimate the aggressive behaviours. Shooting is also ineffective in the long term. It is impossible to shoot all the street dogs. Removing large numbers of dogs allows greater resources (food/shelter) available to those remaining thus these dogs are then more successful in rearing litters of pups and shortly the problem again begins to escalate. Higher numbers lead to increased competition for food and can thus lead to increased disease incidence as body condition can suffer. This also allows different populations to enter new areas and introduce new illnesses/disease which can also impact on the human population (particularly relevant in areas where rabies is prevalent). Shootings largely fail to address the problem of the "owned" dogs who are likely to be confined during the culling periods. These owned dogs who receive human support and shelter are most successful in rearing litters of puppies. It is then their offspring abandoned to the street to fend for themselves who largely perpetuate the cycle. The only humane and effective means of population control (as advised in WHO guidelines) are neuter and release programmes targeting not only street dogs but those belonging to members of the public.
We understand from your blog that your concern was that we were victimising the street dog and not that you are against sterilisation, which not only humanely reduces the street dog population longterm but provides health benefits as well. On an individual level sterilisation is advantageous to reduce disease and help improve body condition. This is pertinent not only for behavioural issues eg less fighting/mating etc but also reduces disease incidence eg mammary cancers, womb infections etc. With these things in mind we are very keen to start a sterilisation programme focusing on "owned dogs". This will however take considerable funding, government legislation, public and veterinary education. As you can imagine this is far beyond the scope of just ourselves. We do hope this helps to clarify things.
Kind regards,
Toni and Petra
"The shelter has been built and funded solely by two Albanian Kosovars Florim Ferati and Nexhmedin Kabashi and has been in operation since May 2004. Both myself and Toni-Maree McInnes are NZ veterinarians based in the UK. We first visited Kosovo in April 2005 and have since been visiting biannually for approx 2 months per year taking unpaid leave from our jobs in the UK to volunteer at the shelter. We have independently set up a veterinary clinic at the shelter where our primary focus is the sterilisation of the streetdogs as well as providing medical care to owned dogs of both locals and internationals. We also spend a lot of our time raising funds and awareness within Kosovo and abroad. The shelter is a registered NGO but receives no formal funding relying solely upon donations to finance the daily running costs and continual upgrading of the facilities. Please see our website www.kosovodogshelter.org for further information. We will be in Kosovo for 3 weeks from Sunday May 27th . . . We will no doubt be running our well known pub quiz at the Phoenix Bar to raise funds during this time where we are well known!"
Sounds like they are doing great work and I encourage all animal lovers to support them. However, if I am (yes, I am), I'd like to raise an issue about the work of the doctors above. I am not up to date about the constitutional or statutory rights of dogs in various countries, but doesn't the sterilization of street dogs seem sort of ... how do I put this tactfully ... discriminatory and "classist". How come dogs with owners get medical care while street dogs only get sterilized? I am just raising a point which can be extrapolated to the state of human welfare where poor people seem to always be "paternalized" and sometimes made to feel that they do not deserve to pro-create due to their economic status. No, I did not make this up; there are groups and people from the West who go around paying people to sterilize themselves and stop having babies and some courts have upheld these arrangements as valid contracts. Yes, yes, Luna is running wild with ideas again but take a moment to wonder with the street dogs why they should get sterilized. I would appreciate Petra or someone else from the organization answering this for me. I am sure there is a good explanation for it; I just want to know it.
But people, not to take away focus from the work of this good organization, I should stop now. At least, they are doing something to help animals they care for ... that much cannot be said about most of us in Prishtina who just spend all our time drinking macchiatos!!!
In answer to my query above:
Hi Luna
We would like to clarify a few of the points from the previous email and hopefully clear up any confusion!
We are certainly not "classist" and when in Kosovo are more that happy (and do) sterilise owned dogs. The majority of our sterilisation is of street dogs for a number of reasons. Firstly the dogs in our shelter are street dogs and we sterilise them before homing, and secondly the concept of
sterilisation is not widely accepted/understood by the general public of Kosovo and hence we only have a small number of owned dogs presented for surgery. We regularly treat sick/injured street dogs as well as owned dogs when we (the vets) are in Kosovo. We must take care when treating owned dogs so as to always be mindful that we are not taking paid work away from the local veterinarians. With regard to sterilisation this is not too much of a problem as few perform this surgery. When we are not in Kosovo there are no veterinary services available at the shelter and sick/injured dogs and cats must be taken to a local veterinarian for treatment.
In answer to your query on sterilisation.....
Kosovo has tens of thousands of street dogs. Currently shooting campaigns are being run in an effort to reduce the dog population and individuals are being offered €7.50 for the tail of every dead dog. The practice of shooting dogs as a means of population control goes against World Heath Organisation guidelines. It is inhumane and in the long term is ineffective. Shootings are inhumane because dogs are often injured and suffer prolonged painful deaths. Those shot are usually the more tame members of the population and the more aggressive wary problem dogs are more likely to remain and for want of a better term are negative "role models" for new pack
members who can intimate the aggressive behaviours. Shooting is also ineffective in the long term. It is impossible to shoot all the street dogs. Removing large numbers of dogs allows greater resources (food/shelter) available to those remaining thus these dogs are then more successful in rearing litters of pups and shortly the problem again begins to escalate. Higher numbers lead to increased competition for food and can thus lead to increased disease incidence as body condition can suffer. This also allows different populations to enter new areas and introduce new illnesses/disease which can also impact on the human population (particularly relevant in areas where rabies is prevalent). Shootings largely fail to address the problem of the "owned" dogs who are likely to be confined during the culling periods. These owned dogs who receive human support and shelter are most successful in rearing litters of puppies. It is then their offspring abandoned to the street to fend for themselves who largely perpetuate the cycle. The only humane and effective means of population control (as advised in WHO guidelines) are neuter and release programmes targeting not only street dogs but those belonging to members of the public.
We understand from your blog that your concern was that we were victimising the street dog and not that you are against sterilisation, which not only humanely reduces the street dog population longterm but provides health benefits as well. On an individual level sterilisation is advantageous to reduce disease and help improve body condition. This is pertinent not only for behavioural issues eg less fighting/mating etc but also reduces disease incidence eg mammary cancers, womb infections etc. With these things in mind we are very keen to start a sterilisation programme focusing on "owned dogs". This will however take considerable funding, government legislation, public and veterinary education. As you can imagine this is far beyond the scope of just ourselves. We do hope this helps to clarify things.
Kind regards,
Toni and Petra
Friday, May 18, 2007
Graduation Season ....
I totally forgot that May is graduation month. I was reminded of this when I was walking home from my french class today and saw lots of young people at the Grand Hotel --- you got it--- Prom Night!!! That jolted my memory; after all, it was not that long ago that I graduated from professional school myself. So to all my peeps out there graduating transcontinentally, wishing you great after-graduation parties and hope we all become useful to our world one day. To commemorate your graduations, I am dedicating the best commencement speech ever written that never was but became a great music single in 1999 (under the name of "Wear Sunscreen"). Enjoy, live long and prosper.
June 1, 1997
Inside every adult lurks a graduation speaker dying to get out, some world-weary pundit eager to pontificate on life to young people who'd rather be Rollerblading. Most of us, alas, will never be invited to sow our words of wisdom among an audience of caps and gowns, but there's no reason we can't entertain ourselves by composing a Guide to Life for Graduates.
I encourage anyone over 26 to try this and thank you for indulging my attempt.
Ladies and gentlemen of the class of '97:
Wear sunscreen.
If I could offer you only one tip for the future, sunscreen would be it. The long-term benefits of sunscreen have been proved by scientists, whereas the rest of my advice has no basis more reliable than my own meandering experience. I will dispense this advice now.
Enjoy the power and beauty of your youth. Oh, never mind. You will not understand the power and beauty of your youth until they've faded. But trust me, in 20 years, you'll look back at photos of yourself and recall in a way you can't grasp now how much possibility lay before you and how fabulous you really looked. You are not as fat as you imagine.
Don't worry about the future. Or worry, but know that worrying is as effective as trying to solve an algebra equation by chewing bubble gum. The real troubles in your life are apt to be things that never crossed your worried mind, the kind that blindside you at 4 p.m. on some idle Tuesday.
Do one thing every day that scares you.
Sing.
Don't be reckless with other people's hearts. Don't put up with people who are reckless with yours.
Floss.
Don't waste your time on jealousy. Sometimes you're ahead, sometimes you're behind. The race is long and, in the end, it's only with yourself.
Remember compliments you receive. Forget the insults. If you succeed in doing this, tell me how.
Keep your old love letters. Throw away your old bank statements.
Stretch.
Don't feel guilty if you don't know what you want to do with your life. The most interesting people I know didn't know at 22 what they wanted to do with their lives. Some of the most interesting 40-year-olds I know still don't.
Get plenty of calcium. Be kind to your knees. You'll miss them when they're gone.
Maybe you'll marry, maybe you won't. Maybe you'll have children, maybe you won't. Maybe you'll divorce at 40, maybe you'll dance the funky chicken on your 75th wedding anniversary. Whatever you do, don't congratulate yourself too much, or berate yourself either. Your choices are half chance. So are everybody else's.
Enjoy your body. Use it every way you can. Don't be afraid of it or of what other people think of it. It's the greatest instrument you'll ever own.
Dance, even if you have nowhere to do it but your living room.
Read the directions, even if you don't follow them.
Do not read beauty magazines. They will only make you feel ugly.
Get to know your parents. You never know when they'll be gone for good. Be nice to your siblings. They're your best link to your past and the people most likely to stick with you in the future.
Understand that friends come and go, but with a precious few you should hold on. Work hard to bridge the gaps in geography and lifestyle, because the older you get, the more you need the people who knew you when you were young.
Live in New York City once, but leave before it makes you hard. Live in Northern California once, but leave before it makes you soft. Travel.
Accept certain inalienable truths: Prices will rise. Politicians will philander. You, too, will get old. And when you do, you'll fantasize that when you were young, prices were reasonable, politicians were noble and children respected their elders.
Respect your elders.
Don't expect anyone else to support you. Maybe you have a trust fund. Maybe you'll have a wealthy spouse. But you never know when either one might run out.
Don't mess too much with your hair or by the time you're 40 it will look 85.
Be careful whose advice you buy, but be patient with those who supply it. Advice is a form of nostalgia. Dispensing it is a way of fishing the past from the disposal, wiping it off, painting over the ugly parts and recycling it for more than it's worth.
But trust me on the sunscreen.
Advice, like youth, probably just wasted on the young
Mary SchmichJune 1, 1997
Inside every adult lurks a graduation speaker dying to get out, some world-weary pundit eager to pontificate on life to young people who'd rather be Rollerblading. Most of us, alas, will never be invited to sow our words of wisdom among an audience of caps and gowns, but there's no reason we can't entertain ourselves by composing a Guide to Life for Graduates.
I encourage anyone over 26 to try this and thank you for indulging my attempt.
Ladies and gentlemen of the class of '97:
Wear sunscreen.
If I could offer you only one tip for the future, sunscreen would be it. The long-term benefits of sunscreen have been proved by scientists, whereas the rest of my advice has no basis more reliable than my own meandering experience. I will dispense this advice now.
Enjoy the power and beauty of your youth. Oh, never mind. You will not understand the power and beauty of your youth until they've faded. But trust me, in 20 years, you'll look back at photos of yourself and recall in a way you can't grasp now how much possibility lay before you and how fabulous you really looked. You are not as fat as you imagine.
Don't worry about the future. Or worry, but know that worrying is as effective as trying to solve an algebra equation by chewing bubble gum. The real troubles in your life are apt to be things that never crossed your worried mind, the kind that blindside you at 4 p.m. on some idle Tuesday.
Do one thing every day that scares you.
Sing.
Don't be reckless with other people's hearts. Don't put up with people who are reckless with yours.
Floss.
Don't waste your time on jealousy. Sometimes you're ahead, sometimes you're behind. The race is long and, in the end, it's only with yourself.
Remember compliments you receive. Forget the insults. If you succeed in doing this, tell me how.
Keep your old love letters. Throw away your old bank statements.
Stretch.
Don't feel guilty if you don't know what you want to do with your life. The most interesting people I know didn't know at 22 what they wanted to do with their lives. Some of the most interesting 40-year-olds I know still don't.
Get plenty of calcium. Be kind to your knees. You'll miss them when they're gone.
Maybe you'll marry, maybe you won't. Maybe you'll have children, maybe you won't. Maybe you'll divorce at 40, maybe you'll dance the funky chicken on your 75th wedding anniversary. Whatever you do, don't congratulate yourself too much, or berate yourself either. Your choices are half chance. So are everybody else's.
Enjoy your body. Use it every way you can. Don't be afraid of it or of what other people think of it. It's the greatest instrument you'll ever own.
Dance, even if you have nowhere to do it but your living room.
Read the directions, even if you don't follow them.
Do not read beauty magazines. They will only make you feel ugly.
Get to know your parents. You never know when they'll be gone for good. Be nice to your siblings. They're your best link to your past and the people most likely to stick with you in the future.
Understand that friends come and go, but with a precious few you should hold on. Work hard to bridge the gaps in geography and lifestyle, because the older you get, the more you need the people who knew you when you were young.
Live in New York City once, but leave before it makes you hard. Live in Northern California once, but leave before it makes you soft. Travel.
Accept certain inalienable truths: Prices will rise. Politicians will philander. You, too, will get old. And when you do, you'll fantasize that when you were young, prices were reasonable, politicians were noble and children respected their elders.
Respect your elders.
Don't expect anyone else to support you. Maybe you have a trust fund. Maybe you'll have a wealthy spouse. But you never know when either one might run out.
Don't mess too much with your hair or by the time you're 40 it will look 85.
Be careful whose advice you buy, but be patient with those who supply it. Advice is a form of nostalgia. Dispensing it is a way of fishing the past from the disposal, wiping it off, painting over the ugly parts and recycling it for more than it's worth.
But trust me on the sunscreen.
Copyright © 2007, Chicago Tribune
Saturday, May 12, 2007
Belgrade ... city with a soul
I know you all missed me ;) Here are some beautiful pictures from Belgrade ...
Sunday, May 6, 2007
KANUNI LEKE DUKAGJINIT
This has become my favorite reading material since I got to Prishtina. I find it to be very interesting and revealing. I am still reading enough not to make any comments on it. Just thought I'd share snippets of it with you. This is the English translation version of it. One sees the influence of the Christian priest that compiled the Kanuni on several pages.
Wednesday, May 2, 2007
Ah! So that was what the poster on my door meant ...
As I sit in the office waiting to go to lunch, I can hear the loud voices of protesters screaming in support of Ramush Haradinaj. He is the former Prime Minister of Kosovo who is now standing trial at the Hague with the ICTY for crimes against humanity. Mistaken not, the young Mr. Haradinaj is wildly popular with many Kosovans for his heroics when he was with the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) –note to self: a glossary of acronyms for Kosovo would be good for readers. Now, he is better known for his over $3 million mansion in Pristina that looks like a big observatory and his unquestioned ability to make things happen in Kosovo. Not bad for a former security guard and club bouncer in the late 90s. Here is an article about him and his relationship with the international community.
A delegation came from the UN Security Council last week. No one really knows what they came from but they claimed to want to see how things are on the ground in Kosovo. Their prerogative; let's see if this will help in getting a quicker response on Kosovo's status or if Russia will still be holding the Council hostage on this issue.
Onto another serious issue, security forces need to come up with a way to rid the Prishtina community of personal grenades. I am lifting my moratorium on stories involving explosions. According to Kosovo Police, a person got injured in a bomb explosion in Prishtina, from an explosive device that was placed next to the entrance of the apartment of a police officer in the Bill Clinton Street. The police allegedly arrested an individual suspected of placing the explosive. This sort of story is becoming common-place here and people should not stand for it. Exploding one's business and love rivals is never an answer.
A delegation came from the UN Security Council last week. No one really knows what they came from but they claimed to want to see how things are on the ground in Kosovo. Their prerogative; let's see if this will help in getting a quicker response on Kosovo's status or if Russia will still be holding the Council hostage on this issue.
Onto another serious issue, security forces need to come up with a way to rid the Prishtina community of personal grenades. I am lifting my moratorium on stories involving explosions. According to Kosovo Police, a person got injured in a bomb explosion in Prishtina, from an explosive device that was placed next to the entrance of the apartment of a police officer in the Bill Clinton Street. The police allegedly arrested an individual suspected of placing the explosive. This sort of story is becoming common-place here and people should not stand for it. Exploding one's business and love rivals is never an answer.
Monday, April 30, 2007
Saturday, April 28, 2007
Love Affair
I believe this past week was remembrance week in Pristina for those who died in the genocide in the past. There were many flags everywhere and posters commerating the week. Gratitude to the US was of course vivid in all of these. I recently came across a quasi wall of memorial with pictures of victims in front of the government building. I will get those pics for y'all to see.
Bill could always move here for retirement
In memory of the recent vicims of the shooting at V-tech by Students of the University of Prishtina
Bill could always move here for retirement
Tuesday, April 24, 2007
Speaking of Independence....
I came across this article which was an interesting read ... agree? yes? no? FU Luna?
Kosovo: Is Partition Most Likely Outcome? By Patrick Moore
(RFE/RL)
April 24, 2007 (RFE/RL) -- Many commentators have suggested that the Serbian-dominated north of Kosovo will break off from that province and become a part of Serbia if the Albanian majority declares independence. The idea of partitioning Kosovo along ethnic lines is nothing new. Some Serbian officials and academics toyed with the idea in the early decades of the 20th century as a way of dealing with the Serbs' declining demographic position there. More recent partition projects were associated with the Serbian Academy of Sciences in the mid-1980s. In addition to securing Serbian-majority areas and cultural and religious sites for the Serbian state, the partition planners have generally sought to keep control of as much of the province's mineral wealth for Belgrade as possible.Some forms of de facto partition already exist in Kosovo. In the 1970s and early 1980s, when ethnic Albanian politicians held sway in communist Kosovo after decades of tough Serbian rule, many Serbs left the province. They said they were victims of intimidation and various forms of pressure to sell their land, although the Albanians claimed the Serbs were happy to take the money and move to better farms in Vojvodina. Serbian RefugeesIn the wake of the 1998-99 conflict, much of the Kosovar Serbian population fled their homes for Serbia proper or for what was emerging as a heavily Serbian territory north of the Ibar River, which divides Mitrovica into northern Serbian and southern Albanian halves. Various Serbian enclaves remain throughout Kosovo, but their existence is often precarious. Some Serbian refugees and displaced persons probably will never go back to their former homes in what are now heavily Albanian areas like Pristina. The Serbian ethnic-cleansing campaign of 1999 in particular made heavy use of "human intelligence" on the ground that only local Serbs could supply. Many Serbs who cooperated with former Serbian and Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic's security forces subsequently fled because they feared the wrath of their Albanian neighbors. Those Albanians also remember that it was the Serbs of Kosovo who formed the bedrock of support for Milosevic in his rise to power in the mid-1980s and subsequently helped keep him there. Lack Of CommunicationThere has, moreover, been little communication across ethnic lines since 1999. The younger generations of Serbs and Albanians literally do not speak each other's languages because they never experienced the joint school or military systems that Yugoslav-era generations did. Traditionally, few Serbs bothered to learn much Albanian, but prior to the late 1980s, most Kosovar Albanians with anything more than very basic schooling knew some Serbo-Croatian. All Kosovar males who served in the Yugoslav military learned at least enough Serbo-Croatian to conduct basic conversations and probably developed their skills further if they were posted to Croatia or Bosnia or somewhere else far from home. Balkan DominoesThe international community has long ruled out partition as an option, saying that Kosovo's future will be determined for the province as a whole. Some observers have warned that if foreign powers ever do allow the Serbian north to secede, they will pave the way for similar partition attempts in the Presevo Valley, Macedonia, or Bosnia-Herzegovina, thereby opening a Pandora's box of Balkan conflicts. Whatever the merits of a Balkan domino theory might be, there is at least one realistic scenario for Kosovo that leaves open the possibility of partition in the not-too-distant future. According to that view, Russia will continue to stall on any serious consideration by the UN Security Council of UN envoy Martti Ahtisaari's plan for conditional independence for Kosovo. Moscow will go on calling for holding debates, arranging fact-finding trips, appointing new negotiators, and doing whatever else can be done to delay things. In the meantime, according to this scenario, the Kosovar Albanians will become increasingly impatient. Before young hotheads or organized radicals take matters into their own hands and renew the violence that shook the province in March 2004, the political leaders will issue a unilateral declaration of independence. This will be endorsed as the only practical alternative to protracted instability by several members of the international community, including probably the United States, Great Britain, Turkey, and some other states that have already indicated their support for Kosovar independence. Most of the EU member states will bicker among themselves and not be able to act together, as has often happened in the past. Serbia will use its old connections with the Nonaligned Movement and its corps of experienced diplomats to ensure strong support for its position among the developing countries. This could prove useful, not only in the Security Council but also in the General Assembly, if and when Pristina seeks membership in that body. The Kosovars have few seasoned diplomats to plead their case except for publisher and negotiator Veton Surroi. Facts On The GroundAt this point, so the theory goes, Russia and Serbia will make it clear that they have been stalling in hopes of triggering a declaration of independence by the Kosovars without Security Council approval. Serbia will then invoke the council's Resolution 1244, which specifies that Kosovo is part of Yugoslavia. (Yugoslavia was changed to Serbia in the text after Milosevic's rump Yugoslavia ceased to be.) As former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright has noted, the Western countries never meant the reference to Kosovo being part of Yugoslavia seriously but simply included it in 1244 as a sop to Russia and Greece.But that will not make any difference at this stage. According to this scenario, Belgrade, backed by Moscow and perhaps Beijing, will announce that it will invoke what it considers its rights under 1244 and send its security forces and other officials into northern Kosovo to protect the Serbian population there from the "illegal" regime in the south. The partition will then be sealed, perhaps with the assistance of foreign peacekeepers guarding the new boundary lines to prevent any direct clashes between Serbian and Kosovar Albanian forces.The new Kosovar state will try to observe the provisions of the Ahtisaari plan and protect the Serbian enclaves and cultural properties because it knows that its international standing depends on it. But the enclaves will likely fade away as the young in particular move to the north, to Serbia proper, or even further away still. The cultural properties will lead a sometimes difficult existence, probably behind much barbed wire and guarded by French or Greek troops. One of the lessons of the Croatian and Bosnian conflicts of the early 1990s was that Serbian populations outside Serbia had difficulty accepting the possibility that Serbs could have happy and productive lives in states that they did not control. That is clearly the case in Kosovo, too, particularly after 1998-99. It is probably too much to expect that any Albanian-dominated Kosovar state would ever attract even the grudging the allegiance of the province's Serbs. Partition would be a bitter pill for the Albanians to swallow. They have said repeatedly that they will not accept it, but they might find themselves with little choice. With the political limbo of the UNMIK period behind them and a new legal system in place, they will then get on with their own lives and display the skills of entrepreneurship that they have in the United States, Switzerland, Germany, or Croatia. Neither they nor their former neighbors are likely to miss each other.
(RFE/RL)
April 24, 2007 (RFE/RL) -- Many commentators have suggested that the Serbian-dominated north of Kosovo will break off from that province and become a part of Serbia if the Albanian majority declares independence. The idea of partitioning Kosovo along ethnic lines is nothing new. Some Serbian officials and academics toyed with the idea in the early decades of the 20th century as a way of dealing with the Serbs' declining demographic position there. More recent partition projects were associated with the Serbian Academy of Sciences in the mid-1980s. In addition to securing Serbian-majority areas and cultural and religious sites for the Serbian state, the partition planners have generally sought to keep control of as much of the province's mineral wealth for Belgrade as possible.Some forms of de facto partition already exist in Kosovo. In the 1970s and early 1980s, when ethnic Albanian politicians held sway in communist Kosovo after decades of tough Serbian rule, many Serbs left the province. They said they were victims of intimidation and various forms of pressure to sell their land, although the Albanians claimed the Serbs were happy to take the money and move to better farms in Vojvodina. Serbian RefugeesIn the wake of the 1998-99 conflict, much of the Kosovar Serbian population fled their homes for Serbia proper or for what was emerging as a heavily Serbian territory north of the Ibar River, which divides Mitrovica into northern Serbian and southern Albanian halves. Various Serbian enclaves remain throughout Kosovo, but their existence is often precarious. Some Serbian refugees and displaced persons probably will never go back to their former homes in what are now heavily Albanian areas like Pristina. The Serbian ethnic-cleansing campaign of 1999 in particular made heavy use of "human intelligence" on the ground that only local Serbs could supply. Many Serbs who cooperated with former Serbian and Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic's security forces subsequently fled because they feared the wrath of their Albanian neighbors. Those Albanians also remember that it was the Serbs of Kosovo who formed the bedrock of support for Milosevic in his rise to power in the mid-1980s and subsequently helped keep him there. Lack Of CommunicationThere has, moreover, been little communication across ethnic lines since 1999. The younger generations of Serbs and Albanians literally do not speak each other's languages because they never experienced the joint school or military systems that Yugoslav-era generations did. Traditionally, few Serbs bothered to learn much Albanian, but prior to the late 1980s, most Kosovar Albanians with anything more than very basic schooling knew some Serbo-Croatian. All Kosovar males who served in the Yugoslav military learned at least enough Serbo-Croatian to conduct basic conversations and probably developed their skills further if they were posted to Croatia or Bosnia or somewhere else far from home. Balkan DominoesThe international community has long ruled out partition as an option, saying that Kosovo's future will be determined for the province as a whole. Some observers have warned that if foreign powers ever do allow the Serbian north to secede, they will pave the way for similar partition attempts in the Presevo Valley, Macedonia, or Bosnia-Herzegovina, thereby opening a Pandora's box of Balkan conflicts. Whatever the merits of a Balkan domino theory might be, there is at least one realistic scenario for Kosovo that leaves open the possibility of partition in the not-too-distant future. According to that view, Russia will continue to stall on any serious consideration by the UN Security Council of UN envoy Martti Ahtisaari's plan for conditional independence for Kosovo. Moscow will go on calling for holding debates, arranging fact-finding trips, appointing new negotiators, and doing whatever else can be done to delay things. In the meantime, according to this scenario, the Kosovar Albanians will become increasingly impatient. Before young hotheads or organized radicals take matters into their own hands and renew the violence that shook the province in March 2004, the political leaders will issue a unilateral declaration of independence. This will be endorsed as the only practical alternative to protracted instability by several members of the international community, including probably the United States, Great Britain, Turkey, and some other states that have already indicated their support for Kosovar independence. Most of the EU member states will bicker among themselves and not be able to act together, as has often happened in the past. Serbia will use its old connections with the Nonaligned Movement and its corps of experienced diplomats to ensure strong support for its position among the developing countries. This could prove useful, not only in the Security Council but also in the General Assembly, if and when Pristina seeks membership in that body. The Kosovars have few seasoned diplomats to plead their case except for publisher and negotiator Veton Surroi. Facts On The GroundAt this point, so the theory goes, Russia and Serbia will make it clear that they have been stalling in hopes of triggering a declaration of independence by the Kosovars without Security Council approval. Serbia will then invoke the council's Resolution 1244, which specifies that Kosovo is part of Yugoslavia. (Yugoslavia was changed to Serbia in the text after Milosevic's rump Yugoslavia ceased to be.) As former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright has noted, the Western countries never meant the reference to Kosovo being part of Yugoslavia seriously but simply included it in 1244 as a sop to Russia and Greece.But that will not make any difference at this stage. According to this scenario, Belgrade, backed by Moscow and perhaps Beijing, will announce that it will invoke what it considers its rights under 1244 and send its security forces and other officials into northern Kosovo to protect the Serbian population there from the "illegal" regime in the south. The partition will then be sealed, perhaps with the assistance of foreign peacekeepers guarding the new boundary lines to prevent any direct clashes between Serbian and Kosovar Albanian forces.The new Kosovar state will try to observe the provisions of the Ahtisaari plan and protect the Serbian enclaves and cultural properties because it knows that its international standing depends on it. But the enclaves will likely fade away as the young in particular move to the north, to Serbia proper, or even further away still. The cultural properties will lead a sometimes difficult existence, probably behind much barbed wire and guarded by French or Greek troops. One of the lessons of the Croatian and Bosnian conflicts of the early 1990s was that Serbian populations outside Serbia had difficulty accepting the possibility that Serbs could have happy and productive lives in states that they did not control. That is clearly the case in Kosovo, too, particularly after 1998-99. It is probably too much to expect that any Albanian-dominated Kosovar state would ever attract even the grudging the allegiance of the province's Serbs. Partition would be a bitter pill for the Albanians to swallow. They have said repeatedly that they will not accept it, but they might find themselves with little choice. With the political limbo of the UNMIK period behind them and a new legal system in place, they will then get on with their own lives and display the skills of entrepreneurship that they have in the United States, Switzerland, Germany, or Croatia. Neither they nor their former neighbors are likely to miss each other.
Friday, April 20, 2007
Leaders of Tomorrow
UNDP released its Human Development Report for Kosovo. The theme of this report is Kosovan youths. Not a very happy reading. I will reserve my comments for now. To get the gist of the report and for fast facts, check here. For the full report in various languages, clicking here would would work. Have a great weekend y'all.
baby
baby
Thursday, April 19, 2007
JFK
These billboards in the pictures below can be seen all over Pristina -- JFK: Just for Kosova. I just assumed they were advertising some fashion brand, which I found intriguing. One day, I asked a knowledgeable colleague of mine about the design brand and complained about never coming across it. He, being a nice gentleman, did not laugh in my face; he explained to me that JFK is a cigarette brand and not a fashion label. Who would have guessed? Not me for sure; look at those pictures on the billboards. This is not surprising, however. Like any self respecting Balkan region, too many people in Kosovo are chain smokers. A non-smoker could actually feel weird here. Pity though, I think the name would better fit a fashion label. And just to add insult to my ignorance, I have never come across the cigarette brand in all my time here.
Apparently, UNMIK ( the UN Mission) might have serious problems with constipation ... serious enough to warrant a whole booklet on it. I came across this in some restaurant ... so quaint!!!
Tuesday, April 17, 2007
Of the United States in Kosovo and a certain February Incident
The U.S. has made no secret of the fact that it is the biggest supporter of independence for Kosovo (some would even joke this is even more so than the Kosovans themselves). This was re-affirmed by the U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Nicholas Burns when he mentioned yesterday that the U.S was ready to unilaterally recognize Kosovo as a country if the UN Security Council did not. Then, there was his statement that "the governments of members of the UN Security Council, including Russia, consider the independence of Kosovo as the correct solution"; to which Moscow (an unidentified foreign ministry official) replies .... "This wishful thinking is puzzling, because Burns cannot be accused of lacking information. The United States knows our position . . . that a [] solution to the Kosovo issue cannot be found without the consent of both parties to the conflict"; to which Burns replied "WTF said that? Come here for your spanking". Ok, ok .... I made up that last statement attributed to Burns but I can see it being said :)
And as if the above is not enough to keep us on the edge of our seats for the day, Prosecutor Robert Dean chose today to make an announcement about the UNMIK Dept. of Justice's investigation into the death of 2 Kosovans during protests in February (note: The report is not final as claimed more than twice by Mr. Dean). The IHT reports Mr. Dean's press conference here. But, just in case you love my page so much and do not want to go to the link, below is the transcript of the press conference (courtesy of a friend of mine at OSCE office in Pristina). Thanks Marco Polo.
Good Afternoon – and thank you for coming in. I want to discuss with you this afternoon the progress of the investigation of the task force that is investigating the 10 February 2007 protest shootings.
Earlier today, I submitted to the SRSG, Mr. Rücker, my interim report regarding the investigation into the deaths and serious woundings of protestors during the 10 February demonstrations in Pristina. By interim report I mean that the report is not final. The investigation is continuing. But I do want to give you certain details on the progress of the investigation, and two months into the investigation appeared to be the appropriate timeframe. I completed the interim report yesterday evening after receiving the first police report which is a comprehensive summary of two months of investigation by the task force.
The interim report is 10 pages in length and copies have been prepared for you. The interim report is now in translation but I did not want to delay this press conference. The police report that I just mentioned is longer – it is about 60 pages plus attachments. I will not read the interim report to you, but I will give you certain highlights. I will then take some questions. I hope you will then take the opportunity to read the report. The interim report to the SRSG contains an introduction, legal considerations, which I think are very important, the investigative steps that have been taken, the results of those steps, conclusions, and continuing investigative efforts that we have planned. I urge you to read the report as it will address many of your questions. You will also have access to the police report through the Division of Public Information.
As many of you know, the investigation is divided into two main parts: One has to do with the criminal liability of any particular police officer involved in the shootings that day; this first part is what the task force has focused on up until now and is what the interim report deals with. The second part has to do with the operational planning, the decision making, training and techniques, and the proper use of rubber bullets in crowd control situations.
Now some specifics of the report:
The interim report states that there is a substantial basis on which to conclude that Romanian gunners attached to the Romanian Formed Police Unit , FPU, are responsible for the four woundingss – two fatal, two serious. This is based upon forensic firearms examination of the projectiles – the rubber bullets that were removed from three victims, two of whom are deceased and one who survived. A fourth victim survived the wounding but the projectile has not been surgically removed. These projectiles are of the type used exclusively by the Romanian gunners. The Romanian gunners utilized three different types of rubber bullets, but only one type, classified as RB1 (which is 18.5 mm), caused the wounds. Fifty-nine rounds of RB1 ammunition were discharged by the Romanian gunners. A total of 10 Romanians with the FPU fired rubber bullets that day. At least eight fired the RB1 rounds. The interim report states that there is a reasonable suspicion that three of the shootings constitute crimes under Kosovo law. Those crimes would be murder and the various types of murder, attempt to commit murder, and inflicting grievous bodily injury. The interim report concludes that at this point the shootings in question appear to be unwarranted and unjustified. Specifically, we reached the conclusion that the deaths of Mon Balaj and Arben Xhelladini, and the wounding of Zenel Zeneli, appear to be unnecessary and avoidable.
The interim report states that at the present time there is not sufficient evidence to support a reasonable suspicion as to which specific Romanian gunners were responsible for firing the wounding shots. No formal initiation of judicial investigation under Kosovo law is permitted without reasonable suspicion that a particular individual committed crimes. The evidence does not permit me to conclude that the entire group of Romanian gunners acted unlawfully. The acts of one, two or three in firing the rubber bullets improperly or in a criminal manner — which I think happened — cannot necessarily be imputed to all of the others. Unfortunately, at this time, we are unable to identify with specificity who acted improperly.
The task force will continue its investigation. Any further evidence regarding criminal liability of a specific police officer will be pursued and considered. A second area of inquiry regarding police planning, operational command, quality of ammunition, tactics and training, and proper standards of police force in crowd control situations (particularly in usage of rubber bullets) is ongoing and will be the subject of a later report. In my report, in the conclusion section, I state the following: In light of the above, UNMIK, the United Nations, and the Government of Romania may consider initiating appropriate procedures for compensation for the surviving family members of those fatally shot and for those seriously wounded.
I urge you to read the interim report and take advantage of your access to the police report.
Questions:
Zëri: Mr. Dean, you said in your report [word indistinct] Romanian shooter was identified and questioned, but I don’t see the names. Is there any specific reason why you are keeping them secret?
Dean: You have access to the police report, you will see the names.
Koha Ditore: Where are the Romanian police officers now?
Dean: I understand they are in Romania.
Koha Ditore: And have you asked them to come back to Kosovo, sir?
Dean: No.
Koha Ditore: Why is that?
Dean: I see no reason to at this point.
AP: Sir, apart from this compensation that you refer to at the conclusion of your report, what other means will you take into bringing those responsible to basically hold responsibility for this?
Dean: Every legal means that I can and that involves...
AP: Can you please elaborate on this?
Dean: Yes. That involves finding witnesses who will be in a position to make a reliable identification of the shooters. We have spent a good part of the last two months trying to find such witnesses.
Zëri: Could you evaluate the Romanian police cooperation? Was it excellent, was it good, was it bad?
Dean: Up until the point that they left, it appeared to be professional as we have wanted it to be. They provided us with many samples of bullets; they were available for interview and re-interview; and I can’t say that about every contingent. Unfortunately, all of the information that I wanted from the Romanians has not been received yet, but while a lot of that comes from, as I understand, Bucharest, and that may even have to come to me through New York, but we are still trying to sort that out. That has to do with records, training records, Romanian standards for use of force and procurement issued about the ammunition, when it was procured and things like that. We were hoping to get it earlier. We haven’t gotten it yet.
Question: So far you have mentioned that there are three or four policemen, police officers who can be held responsible. In fact will all those that have ordered them to shoot be held responsible or only the policemen or the police officers shall be held responsible?
Dean: That’s a very good question. The second part of the investigation is focusing on the chain of command and the decision-making process as to who gave the authority for the use of the rubber bullets. Now the usage of the rubber bullets is not in and of itself criminal. It is a controversial matter, some nations, some jurisdictions do not believe in utilizing rubber bullets for crowd control purposes. It is not the role of my task force to condone or condemn the use of rubber bullets. But there are, and we are going to be exploring this in the second part of the investigation, there are acceptable circumstances for using rubber bullets. I want to know where they are spelled out and how the decision making was made on this particular day. At that time I will be able to make a better answer to your question, but we are pursuing that.
Question: Have the Romanian authorities given you any indication that they would make available their officers in the event of any prosecution?
Dean: I don’t know if I understand the question. Will they send back any particular individual should we have enough to indict? I don’t know. I can’t answer that question.
Question: They haven’t said it?
Dean: No, no.
And as if the above is not enough to keep us on the edge of our seats for the day, Prosecutor Robert Dean chose today to make an announcement about the UNMIK Dept. of Justice's investigation into the death of 2 Kosovans during protests in February (note: The report is not final as claimed more than twice by Mr. Dean). The IHT reports Mr. Dean's press conference here. But, just in case you love my page so much and do not want to go to the link, below is the transcript of the press conference (courtesy of a friend of mine at OSCE office in Pristina). Thanks Marco Polo.
Good Afternoon – and thank you for coming in. I want to discuss with you this afternoon the progress of the investigation of the task force that is investigating the 10 February 2007 protest shootings.
Earlier today, I submitted to the SRSG, Mr. Rücker, my interim report regarding the investigation into the deaths and serious woundings of protestors during the 10 February demonstrations in Pristina. By interim report I mean that the report is not final. The investigation is continuing. But I do want to give you certain details on the progress of the investigation, and two months into the investigation appeared to be the appropriate timeframe. I completed the interim report yesterday evening after receiving the first police report which is a comprehensive summary of two months of investigation by the task force.
The interim report is 10 pages in length and copies have been prepared for you. The interim report is now in translation but I did not want to delay this press conference. The police report that I just mentioned is longer – it is about 60 pages plus attachments. I will not read the interim report to you, but I will give you certain highlights. I will then take some questions. I hope you will then take the opportunity to read the report. The interim report to the SRSG contains an introduction, legal considerations, which I think are very important, the investigative steps that have been taken, the results of those steps, conclusions, and continuing investigative efforts that we have planned. I urge you to read the report as it will address many of your questions. You will also have access to the police report through the Division of Public Information.
As many of you know, the investigation is divided into two main parts: One has to do with the criminal liability of any particular police officer involved in the shootings that day; this first part is what the task force has focused on up until now and is what the interim report deals with. The second part has to do with the operational planning, the decision making, training and techniques, and the proper use of rubber bullets in crowd control situations.
Now some specifics of the report:
The interim report states that there is a substantial basis on which to conclude that Romanian gunners attached to the Romanian Formed Police Unit , FPU, are responsible for the four woundingss – two fatal, two serious. This is based upon forensic firearms examination of the projectiles – the rubber bullets that were removed from three victims, two of whom are deceased and one who survived. A fourth victim survived the wounding but the projectile has not been surgically removed. These projectiles are of the type used exclusively by the Romanian gunners. The Romanian gunners utilized three different types of rubber bullets, but only one type, classified as RB1 (which is 18.5 mm), caused the wounds. Fifty-nine rounds of RB1 ammunition were discharged by the Romanian gunners. A total of 10 Romanians with the FPU fired rubber bullets that day. At least eight fired the RB1 rounds. The interim report states that there is a reasonable suspicion that three of the shootings constitute crimes under Kosovo law. Those crimes would be murder and the various types of murder, attempt to commit murder, and inflicting grievous bodily injury. The interim report concludes that at this point the shootings in question appear to be unwarranted and unjustified. Specifically, we reached the conclusion that the deaths of Mon Balaj and Arben Xhelladini, and the wounding of Zenel Zeneli, appear to be unnecessary and avoidable.
The interim report states that at the present time there is not sufficient evidence to support a reasonable suspicion as to which specific Romanian gunners were responsible for firing the wounding shots. No formal initiation of judicial investigation under Kosovo law is permitted without reasonable suspicion that a particular individual committed crimes. The evidence does not permit me to conclude that the entire group of Romanian gunners acted unlawfully. The acts of one, two or three in firing the rubber bullets improperly or in a criminal manner — which I think happened — cannot necessarily be imputed to all of the others. Unfortunately, at this time, we are unable to identify with specificity who acted improperly.
The task force will continue its investigation. Any further evidence regarding criminal liability of a specific police officer will be pursued and considered. A second area of inquiry regarding police planning, operational command, quality of ammunition, tactics and training, and proper standards of police force in crowd control situations (particularly in usage of rubber bullets) is ongoing and will be the subject of a later report. In my report, in the conclusion section, I state the following: In light of the above, UNMIK, the United Nations, and the Government of Romania may consider initiating appropriate procedures for compensation for the surviving family members of those fatally shot and for those seriously wounded.
I urge you to read the interim report and take advantage of your access to the police report.
Questions:
Zëri: Mr. Dean, you said in your report [word indistinct] Romanian shooter was identified and questioned, but I don’t see the names. Is there any specific reason why you are keeping them secret?
Dean: You have access to the police report, you will see the names.
Koha Ditore: Where are the Romanian police officers now?
Dean: I understand they are in Romania.
Koha Ditore: And have you asked them to come back to Kosovo, sir?
Dean: No.
Koha Ditore: Why is that?
Dean: I see no reason to at this point.
AP: Sir, apart from this compensation that you refer to at the conclusion of your report, what other means will you take into bringing those responsible to basically hold responsibility for this?
Dean: Every legal means that I can and that involves...
AP: Can you please elaborate on this?
Dean: Yes. That involves finding witnesses who will be in a position to make a reliable identification of the shooters. We have spent a good part of the last two months trying to find such witnesses.
Zëri: Could you evaluate the Romanian police cooperation? Was it excellent, was it good, was it bad?
Dean: Up until the point that they left, it appeared to be professional as we have wanted it to be. They provided us with many samples of bullets; they were available for interview and re-interview; and I can’t say that about every contingent. Unfortunately, all of the information that I wanted from the Romanians has not been received yet, but while a lot of that comes from, as I understand, Bucharest, and that may even have to come to me through New York, but we are still trying to sort that out. That has to do with records, training records, Romanian standards for use of force and procurement issued about the ammunition, when it was procured and things like that. We were hoping to get it earlier. We haven’t gotten it yet.
Question: So far you have mentioned that there are three or four policemen, police officers who can be held responsible. In fact will all those that have ordered them to shoot be held responsible or only the policemen or the police officers shall be held responsible?
Dean: That’s a very good question. The second part of the investigation is focusing on the chain of command and the decision-making process as to who gave the authority for the use of the rubber bullets. Now the usage of the rubber bullets is not in and of itself criminal. It is a controversial matter, some nations, some jurisdictions do not believe in utilizing rubber bullets for crowd control purposes. It is not the role of my task force to condone or condemn the use of rubber bullets. But there are, and we are going to be exploring this in the second part of the investigation, there are acceptable circumstances for using rubber bullets. I want to know where they are spelled out and how the decision making was made on this particular day. At that time I will be able to make a better answer to your question, but we are pursuing that.
Question: Have the Romanian authorities given you any indication that they would make available their officers in the event of any prosecution?
Dean: I don’t know if I understand the question. Will they send back any particular individual should we have enough to indict? I don’t know. I can’t answer that question.
Question: They haven’t said it?
Dean: No, no.
Monday, April 16, 2007
V-Tech' shootings and other rumblings ...
There was a fatal shooting spree at Virginia Tech yesterday. Over 30 confirmed dead already. This is really, really sad. Souls that went to be educated getting snuffed out so early. My heart and prayers go to the families, friends, and communities that have been affected by this!!!
It is an election month. Among the countries whose fates will be decided this year by the ballot are Timor Leste, Nigeria and France. These elections in all 3 countries are pivotal and momentous. Keep your eyes on them as they will make or break the regions these countries are situated.
I looked at my cross-section of readers and their locations. Interesting demography ... I wish someone from Africa and Central & Eastern Asia will be reading this blog soon.
It is an election month. Among the countries whose fates will be decided this year by the ballot are Timor Leste, Nigeria and France. These elections in all 3 countries are pivotal and momentous. Keep your eyes on them as they will make or break the regions these countries are situated.
I looked at my cross-section of readers and their locations. Interesting demography ... I wish someone from Africa and Central & Eastern Asia will be reading this blog soon.
Happy Post Tax Day ... Yankees
I must be getting too settled here. Deadline for filing taxes passed yesterday and I did not know or remember. Not that it makes any difference, I have always been one of those perpertual late tax filers. It makes no difference to me as I have never made enough to owe Uncle Sam a penny. I will look into filing come July; I am sure IRS peeps will appreciate some of us waiting to give them a breather. Here is to hoping the oil companies, Google and Walmart donated much back to our society.
Due to my self imposed moratorium on reporting acts of violence and, most times, the stupidity on the part of the violent people, I will just continue to share pictures of places that have begun to mean much to me. Another example is the Pristina central bus station. I actually like it much. One can get a bus to most surrounding countries at this station and at a steal also. My best moments are running into Kosovan colleagues from the 'industry' and class; and western backpackers. It takes a certain kind to take a bus long distance :) Below are some clear pictures of the station.
Due to my self imposed moratorium on reporting acts of violence and, most times, the stupidity on the part of the violent people, I will just continue to share pictures of places that have begun to mean much to me. Another example is the Pristina central bus station. I actually like it much. One can get a bus to most surrounding countries at this station and at a steal also. My best moments are running into Kosovan colleagues from the 'industry' and class; and western backpackers. It takes a certain kind to take a bus long distance :) Below are some clear pictures of the station.
Tuesday, April 10, 2007
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