Monday, April 30, 2007
Saturday, April 28, 2007
Love Affair
I believe this past week was remembrance week in Pristina for those who died in the genocide in the past. There were many flags everywhere and posters commerating the week. Gratitude to the US was of course vivid in all of these. I recently came across a quasi wall of memorial with pictures of victims in front of the government building. I will get those pics for y'all to see.
Bill could always move here for retirement
In memory of the recent vicims of the shooting at V-tech by Students of the University of Prishtina
Bill could always move here for retirement
Tuesday, April 24, 2007
Speaking of Independence....
I came across this article which was an interesting read ... agree? yes? no? FU Luna?
Kosovo: Is Partition Most Likely Outcome? By Patrick Moore
(RFE/RL)
April 24, 2007 (RFE/RL) -- Many commentators have suggested that the Serbian-dominated north of Kosovo will break off from that province and become a part of Serbia if the Albanian majority declares independence. The idea of partitioning Kosovo along ethnic lines is nothing new. Some Serbian officials and academics toyed with the idea in the early decades of the 20th century as a way of dealing with the Serbs' declining demographic position there. More recent partition projects were associated with the Serbian Academy of Sciences in the mid-1980s. In addition to securing Serbian-majority areas and cultural and religious sites for the Serbian state, the partition planners have generally sought to keep control of as much of the province's mineral wealth for Belgrade as possible.Some forms of de facto partition already exist in Kosovo. In the 1970s and early 1980s, when ethnic Albanian politicians held sway in communist Kosovo after decades of tough Serbian rule, many Serbs left the province. They said they were victims of intimidation and various forms of pressure to sell their land, although the Albanians claimed the Serbs were happy to take the money and move to better farms in Vojvodina. Serbian RefugeesIn the wake of the 1998-99 conflict, much of the Kosovar Serbian population fled their homes for Serbia proper or for what was emerging as a heavily Serbian territory north of the Ibar River, which divides Mitrovica into northern Serbian and southern Albanian halves. Various Serbian enclaves remain throughout Kosovo, but their existence is often precarious. Some Serbian refugees and displaced persons probably will never go back to their former homes in what are now heavily Albanian areas like Pristina. The Serbian ethnic-cleansing campaign of 1999 in particular made heavy use of "human intelligence" on the ground that only local Serbs could supply. Many Serbs who cooperated with former Serbian and Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic's security forces subsequently fled because they feared the wrath of their Albanian neighbors. Those Albanians also remember that it was the Serbs of Kosovo who formed the bedrock of support for Milosevic in his rise to power in the mid-1980s and subsequently helped keep him there. Lack Of CommunicationThere has, moreover, been little communication across ethnic lines since 1999. The younger generations of Serbs and Albanians literally do not speak each other's languages because they never experienced the joint school or military systems that Yugoslav-era generations did. Traditionally, few Serbs bothered to learn much Albanian, but prior to the late 1980s, most Kosovar Albanians with anything more than very basic schooling knew some Serbo-Croatian. All Kosovar males who served in the Yugoslav military learned at least enough Serbo-Croatian to conduct basic conversations and probably developed their skills further if they were posted to Croatia or Bosnia or somewhere else far from home. Balkan DominoesThe international community has long ruled out partition as an option, saying that Kosovo's future will be determined for the province as a whole. Some observers have warned that if foreign powers ever do allow the Serbian north to secede, they will pave the way for similar partition attempts in the Presevo Valley, Macedonia, or Bosnia-Herzegovina, thereby opening a Pandora's box of Balkan conflicts. Whatever the merits of a Balkan domino theory might be, there is at least one realistic scenario for Kosovo that leaves open the possibility of partition in the not-too-distant future. According to that view, Russia will continue to stall on any serious consideration by the UN Security Council of UN envoy Martti Ahtisaari's plan for conditional independence for Kosovo. Moscow will go on calling for holding debates, arranging fact-finding trips, appointing new negotiators, and doing whatever else can be done to delay things. In the meantime, according to this scenario, the Kosovar Albanians will become increasingly impatient. Before young hotheads or organized radicals take matters into their own hands and renew the violence that shook the province in March 2004, the political leaders will issue a unilateral declaration of independence. This will be endorsed as the only practical alternative to protracted instability by several members of the international community, including probably the United States, Great Britain, Turkey, and some other states that have already indicated their support for Kosovar independence. Most of the EU member states will bicker among themselves and not be able to act together, as has often happened in the past. Serbia will use its old connections with the Nonaligned Movement and its corps of experienced diplomats to ensure strong support for its position among the developing countries. This could prove useful, not only in the Security Council but also in the General Assembly, if and when Pristina seeks membership in that body. The Kosovars have few seasoned diplomats to plead their case except for publisher and negotiator Veton Surroi. Facts On The GroundAt this point, so the theory goes, Russia and Serbia will make it clear that they have been stalling in hopes of triggering a declaration of independence by the Kosovars without Security Council approval. Serbia will then invoke the council's Resolution 1244, which specifies that Kosovo is part of Yugoslavia. (Yugoslavia was changed to Serbia in the text after Milosevic's rump Yugoslavia ceased to be.) As former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright has noted, the Western countries never meant the reference to Kosovo being part of Yugoslavia seriously but simply included it in 1244 as a sop to Russia and Greece.But that will not make any difference at this stage. According to this scenario, Belgrade, backed by Moscow and perhaps Beijing, will announce that it will invoke what it considers its rights under 1244 and send its security forces and other officials into northern Kosovo to protect the Serbian population there from the "illegal" regime in the south. The partition will then be sealed, perhaps with the assistance of foreign peacekeepers guarding the new boundary lines to prevent any direct clashes between Serbian and Kosovar Albanian forces.The new Kosovar state will try to observe the provisions of the Ahtisaari plan and protect the Serbian enclaves and cultural properties because it knows that its international standing depends on it. But the enclaves will likely fade away as the young in particular move to the north, to Serbia proper, or even further away still. The cultural properties will lead a sometimes difficult existence, probably behind much barbed wire and guarded by French or Greek troops. One of the lessons of the Croatian and Bosnian conflicts of the early 1990s was that Serbian populations outside Serbia had difficulty accepting the possibility that Serbs could have happy and productive lives in states that they did not control. That is clearly the case in Kosovo, too, particularly after 1998-99. It is probably too much to expect that any Albanian-dominated Kosovar state would ever attract even the grudging the allegiance of the province's Serbs. Partition would be a bitter pill for the Albanians to swallow. They have said repeatedly that they will not accept it, but they might find themselves with little choice. With the political limbo of the UNMIK period behind them and a new legal system in place, they will then get on with their own lives and display the skills of entrepreneurship that they have in the United States, Switzerland, Germany, or Croatia. Neither they nor their former neighbors are likely to miss each other.
(RFE/RL)
April 24, 2007 (RFE/RL) -- Many commentators have suggested that the Serbian-dominated north of Kosovo will break off from that province and become a part of Serbia if the Albanian majority declares independence. The idea of partitioning Kosovo along ethnic lines is nothing new. Some Serbian officials and academics toyed with the idea in the early decades of the 20th century as a way of dealing with the Serbs' declining demographic position there. More recent partition projects were associated with the Serbian Academy of Sciences in the mid-1980s. In addition to securing Serbian-majority areas and cultural and religious sites for the Serbian state, the partition planners have generally sought to keep control of as much of the province's mineral wealth for Belgrade as possible.Some forms of de facto partition already exist in Kosovo. In the 1970s and early 1980s, when ethnic Albanian politicians held sway in communist Kosovo after decades of tough Serbian rule, many Serbs left the province. They said they were victims of intimidation and various forms of pressure to sell their land, although the Albanians claimed the Serbs were happy to take the money and move to better farms in Vojvodina. Serbian RefugeesIn the wake of the 1998-99 conflict, much of the Kosovar Serbian population fled their homes for Serbia proper or for what was emerging as a heavily Serbian territory north of the Ibar River, which divides Mitrovica into northern Serbian and southern Albanian halves. Various Serbian enclaves remain throughout Kosovo, but their existence is often precarious. Some Serbian refugees and displaced persons probably will never go back to their former homes in what are now heavily Albanian areas like Pristina. The Serbian ethnic-cleansing campaign of 1999 in particular made heavy use of "human intelligence" on the ground that only local Serbs could supply. Many Serbs who cooperated with former Serbian and Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic's security forces subsequently fled because they feared the wrath of their Albanian neighbors. Those Albanians also remember that it was the Serbs of Kosovo who formed the bedrock of support for Milosevic in his rise to power in the mid-1980s and subsequently helped keep him there. Lack Of CommunicationThere has, moreover, been little communication across ethnic lines since 1999. The younger generations of Serbs and Albanians literally do not speak each other's languages because they never experienced the joint school or military systems that Yugoslav-era generations did. Traditionally, few Serbs bothered to learn much Albanian, but prior to the late 1980s, most Kosovar Albanians with anything more than very basic schooling knew some Serbo-Croatian. All Kosovar males who served in the Yugoslav military learned at least enough Serbo-Croatian to conduct basic conversations and probably developed their skills further if they were posted to Croatia or Bosnia or somewhere else far from home. Balkan DominoesThe international community has long ruled out partition as an option, saying that Kosovo's future will be determined for the province as a whole. Some observers have warned that if foreign powers ever do allow the Serbian north to secede, they will pave the way for similar partition attempts in the Presevo Valley, Macedonia, or Bosnia-Herzegovina, thereby opening a Pandora's box of Balkan conflicts. Whatever the merits of a Balkan domino theory might be, there is at least one realistic scenario for Kosovo that leaves open the possibility of partition in the not-too-distant future. According to that view, Russia will continue to stall on any serious consideration by the UN Security Council of UN envoy Martti Ahtisaari's plan for conditional independence for Kosovo. Moscow will go on calling for holding debates, arranging fact-finding trips, appointing new negotiators, and doing whatever else can be done to delay things. In the meantime, according to this scenario, the Kosovar Albanians will become increasingly impatient. Before young hotheads or organized radicals take matters into their own hands and renew the violence that shook the province in March 2004, the political leaders will issue a unilateral declaration of independence. This will be endorsed as the only practical alternative to protracted instability by several members of the international community, including probably the United States, Great Britain, Turkey, and some other states that have already indicated their support for Kosovar independence. Most of the EU member states will bicker among themselves and not be able to act together, as has often happened in the past. Serbia will use its old connections with the Nonaligned Movement and its corps of experienced diplomats to ensure strong support for its position among the developing countries. This could prove useful, not only in the Security Council but also in the General Assembly, if and when Pristina seeks membership in that body. The Kosovars have few seasoned diplomats to plead their case except for publisher and negotiator Veton Surroi. Facts On The GroundAt this point, so the theory goes, Russia and Serbia will make it clear that they have been stalling in hopes of triggering a declaration of independence by the Kosovars without Security Council approval. Serbia will then invoke the council's Resolution 1244, which specifies that Kosovo is part of Yugoslavia. (Yugoslavia was changed to Serbia in the text after Milosevic's rump Yugoslavia ceased to be.) As former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright has noted, the Western countries never meant the reference to Kosovo being part of Yugoslavia seriously but simply included it in 1244 as a sop to Russia and Greece.But that will not make any difference at this stage. According to this scenario, Belgrade, backed by Moscow and perhaps Beijing, will announce that it will invoke what it considers its rights under 1244 and send its security forces and other officials into northern Kosovo to protect the Serbian population there from the "illegal" regime in the south. The partition will then be sealed, perhaps with the assistance of foreign peacekeepers guarding the new boundary lines to prevent any direct clashes between Serbian and Kosovar Albanian forces.The new Kosovar state will try to observe the provisions of the Ahtisaari plan and protect the Serbian enclaves and cultural properties because it knows that its international standing depends on it. But the enclaves will likely fade away as the young in particular move to the north, to Serbia proper, or even further away still. The cultural properties will lead a sometimes difficult existence, probably behind much barbed wire and guarded by French or Greek troops. One of the lessons of the Croatian and Bosnian conflicts of the early 1990s was that Serbian populations outside Serbia had difficulty accepting the possibility that Serbs could have happy and productive lives in states that they did not control. That is clearly the case in Kosovo, too, particularly after 1998-99. It is probably too much to expect that any Albanian-dominated Kosovar state would ever attract even the grudging the allegiance of the province's Serbs. Partition would be a bitter pill for the Albanians to swallow. They have said repeatedly that they will not accept it, but they might find themselves with little choice. With the political limbo of the UNMIK period behind them and a new legal system in place, they will then get on with their own lives and display the skills of entrepreneurship that they have in the United States, Switzerland, Germany, or Croatia. Neither they nor their former neighbors are likely to miss each other.
Friday, April 20, 2007
Leaders of Tomorrow
UNDP released its Human Development Report for Kosovo. The theme of this report is Kosovan youths. Not a very happy reading. I will reserve my comments for now. To get the gist of the report and for fast facts, check here. For the full report in various languages, clicking here would would work. Have a great weekend y'all.
baby
baby
Thursday, April 19, 2007
JFK
These billboards in the pictures below can be seen all over Pristina -- JFK: Just for Kosova. I just assumed they were advertising some fashion brand, which I found intriguing. One day, I asked a knowledgeable colleague of mine about the design brand and complained about never coming across it. He, being a nice gentleman, did not laugh in my face; he explained to me that JFK is a cigarette brand and not a fashion label. Who would have guessed? Not me for sure; look at those pictures on the billboards. This is not surprising, however. Like any self respecting Balkan region, too many people in Kosovo are chain smokers. A non-smoker could actually feel weird here. Pity though, I think the name would better fit a fashion label. And just to add insult to my ignorance, I have never come across the cigarette brand in all my time here.
Apparently, UNMIK ( the UN Mission) might have serious problems with constipation ... serious enough to warrant a whole booklet on it. I came across this in some restaurant ... so quaint!!!
Tuesday, April 17, 2007
Of the United States in Kosovo and a certain February Incident
The U.S. has made no secret of the fact that it is the biggest supporter of independence for Kosovo (some would even joke this is even more so than the Kosovans themselves). This was re-affirmed by the U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Nicholas Burns when he mentioned yesterday that the U.S was ready to unilaterally recognize Kosovo as a country if the UN Security Council did not. Then, there was his statement that "the governments of members of the UN Security Council, including Russia, consider the independence of Kosovo as the correct solution"; to which Moscow (an unidentified foreign ministry official) replies .... "This wishful thinking is puzzling, because Burns cannot be accused of lacking information. The United States knows our position . . . that a [] solution to the Kosovo issue cannot be found without the consent of both parties to the conflict"; to which Burns replied "WTF said that? Come here for your spanking". Ok, ok .... I made up that last statement attributed to Burns but I can see it being said :)
And as if the above is not enough to keep us on the edge of our seats for the day, Prosecutor Robert Dean chose today to make an announcement about the UNMIK Dept. of Justice's investigation into the death of 2 Kosovans during protests in February (note: The report is not final as claimed more than twice by Mr. Dean). The IHT reports Mr. Dean's press conference here. But, just in case you love my page so much and do not want to go to the link, below is the transcript of the press conference (courtesy of a friend of mine at OSCE office in Pristina). Thanks Marco Polo.
Good Afternoon – and thank you for coming in. I want to discuss with you this afternoon the progress of the investigation of the task force that is investigating the 10 February 2007 protest shootings.
Earlier today, I submitted to the SRSG, Mr. Rücker, my interim report regarding the investigation into the deaths and serious woundings of protestors during the 10 February demonstrations in Pristina. By interim report I mean that the report is not final. The investigation is continuing. But I do want to give you certain details on the progress of the investigation, and two months into the investigation appeared to be the appropriate timeframe. I completed the interim report yesterday evening after receiving the first police report which is a comprehensive summary of two months of investigation by the task force.
The interim report is 10 pages in length and copies have been prepared for you. The interim report is now in translation but I did not want to delay this press conference. The police report that I just mentioned is longer – it is about 60 pages plus attachments. I will not read the interim report to you, but I will give you certain highlights. I will then take some questions. I hope you will then take the opportunity to read the report. The interim report to the SRSG contains an introduction, legal considerations, which I think are very important, the investigative steps that have been taken, the results of those steps, conclusions, and continuing investigative efforts that we have planned. I urge you to read the report as it will address many of your questions. You will also have access to the police report through the Division of Public Information.
As many of you know, the investigation is divided into two main parts: One has to do with the criminal liability of any particular police officer involved in the shootings that day; this first part is what the task force has focused on up until now and is what the interim report deals with. The second part has to do with the operational planning, the decision making, training and techniques, and the proper use of rubber bullets in crowd control situations.
Now some specifics of the report:
The interim report states that there is a substantial basis on which to conclude that Romanian gunners attached to the Romanian Formed Police Unit , FPU, are responsible for the four woundingss – two fatal, two serious. This is based upon forensic firearms examination of the projectiles – the rubber bullets that were removed from three victims, two of whom are deceased and one who survived. A fourth victim survived the wounding but the projectile has not been surgically removed. These projectiles are of the type used exclusively by the Romanian gunners. The Romanian gunners utilized three different types of rubber bullets, but only one type, classified as RB1 (which is 18.5 mm), caused the wounds. Fifty-nine rounds of RB1 ammunition were discharged by the Romanian gunners. A total of 10 Romanians with the FPU fired rubber bullets that day. At least eight fired the RB1 rounds. The interim report states that there is a reasonable suspicion that three of the shootings constitute crimes under Kosovo law. Those crimes would be murder and the various types of murder, attempt to commit murder, and inflicting grievous bodily injury. The interim report concludes that at this point the shootings in question appear to be unwarranted and unjustified. Specifically, we reached the conclusion that the deaths of Mon Balaj and Arben Xhelladini, and the wounding of Zenel Zeneli, appear to be unnecessary and avoidable.
The interim report states that at the present time there is not sufficient evidence to support a reasonable suspicion as to which specific Romanian gunners were responsible for firing the wounding shots. No formal initiation of judicial investigation under Kosovo law is permitted without reasonable suspicion that a particular individual committed crimes. The evidence does not permit me to conclude that the entire group of Romanian gunners acted unlawfully. The acts of one, two or three in firing the rubber bullets improperly or in a criminal manner — which I think happened — cannot necessarily be imputed to all of the others. Unfortunately, at this time, we are unable to identify with specificity who acted improperly.
The task force will continue its investigation. Any further evidence regarding criminal liability of a specific police officer will be pursued and considered. A second area of inquiry regarding police planning, operational command, quality of ammunition, tactics and training, and proper standards of police force in crowd control situations (particularly in usage of rubber bullets) is ongoing and will be the subject of a later report. In my report, in the conclusion section, I state the following: In light of the above, UNMIK, the United Nations, and the Government of Romania may consider initiating appropriate procedures for compensation for the surviving family members of those fatally shot and for those seriously wounded.
I urge you to read the interim report and take advantage of your access to the police report.
Questions:
Zëri: Mr. Dean, you said in your report [word indistinct] Romanian shooter was identified and questioned, but I don’t see the names. Is there any specific reason why you are keeping them secret?
Dean: You have access to the police report, you will see the names.
Koha Ditore: Where are the Romanian police officers now?
Dean: I understand they are in Romania.
Koha Ditore: And have you asked them to come back to Kosovo, sir?
Dean: No.
Koha Ditore: Why is that?
Dean: I see no reason to at this point.
AP: Sir, apart from this compensation that you refer to at the conclusion of your report, what other means will you take into bringing those responsible to basically hold responsibility for this?
Dean: Every legal means that I can and that involves...
AP: Can you please elaborate on this?
Dean: Yes. That involves finding witnesses who will be in a position to make a reliable identification of the shooters. We have spent a good part of the last two months trying to find such witnesses.
Zëri: Could you evaluate the Romanian police cooperation? Was it excellent, was it good, was it bad?
Dean: Up until the point that they left, it appeared to be professional as we have wanted it to be. They provided us with many samples of bullets; they were available for interview and re-interview; and I can’t say that about every contingent. Unfortunately, all of the information that I wanted from the Romanians has not been received yet, but while a lot of that comes from, as I understand, Bucharest, and that may even have to come to me through New York, but we are still trying to sort that out. That has to do with records, training records, Romanian standards for use of force and procurement issued about the ammunition, when it was procured and things like that. We were hoping to get it earlier. We haven’t gotten it yet.
Question: So far you have mentioned that there are three or four policemen, police officers who can be held responsible. In fact will all those that have ordered them to shoot be held responsible or only the policemen or the police officers shall be held responsible?
Dean: That’s a very good question. The second part of the investigation is focusing on the chain of command and the decision-making process as to who gave the authority for the use of the rubber bullets. Now the usage of the rubber bullets is not in and of itself criminal. It is a controversial matter, some nations, some jurisdictions do not believe in utilizing rubber bullets for crowd control purposes. It is not the role of my task force to condone or condemn the use of rubber bullets. But there are, and we are going to be exploring this in the second part of the investigation, there are acceptable circumstances for using rubber bullets. I want to know where they are spelled out and how the decision making was made on this particular day. At that time I will be able to make a better answer to your question, but we are pursuing that.
Question: Have the Romanian authorities given you any indication that they would make available their officers in the event of any prosecution?
Dean: I don’t know if I understand the question. Will they send back any particular individual should we have enough to indict? I don’t know. I can’t answer that question.
Question: They haven’t said it?
Dean: No, no.
And as if the above is not enough to keep us on the edge of our seats for the day, Prosecutor Robert Dean chose today to make an announcement about the UNMIK Dept. of Justice's investigation into the death of 2 Kosovans during protests in February (note: The report is not final as claimed more than twice by Mr. Dean). The IHT reports Mr. Dean's press conference here. But, just in case you love my page so much and do not want to go to the link, below is the transcript of the press conference (courtesy of a friend of mine at OSCE office in Pristina). Thanks Marco Polo.
Good Afternoon – and thank you for coming in. I want to discuss with you this afternoon the progress of the investigation of the task force that is investigating the 10 February 2007 protest shootings.
Earlier today, I submitted to the SRSG, Mr. Rücker, my interim report regarding the investigation into the deaths and serious woundings of protestors during the 10 February demonstrations in Pristina. By interim report I mean that the report is not final. The investigation is continuing. But I do want to give you certain details on the progress of the investigation, and two months into the investigation appeared to be the appropriate timeframe. I completed the interim report yesterday evening after receiving the first police report which is a comprehensive summary of two months of investigation by the task force.
The interim report is 10 pages in length and copies have been prepared for you. The interim report is now in translation but I did not want to delay this press conference. The police report that I just mentioned is longer – it is about 60 pages plus attachments. I will not read the interim report to you, but I will give you certain highlights. I will then take some questions. I hope you will then take the opportunity to read the report. The interim report to the SRSG contains an introduction, legal considerations, which I think are very important, the investigative steps that have been taken, the results of those steps, conclusions, and continuing investigative efforts that we have planned. I urge you to read the report as it will address many of your questions. You will also have access to the police report through the Division of Public Information.
As many of you know, the investigation is divided into two main parts: One has to do with the criminal liability of any particular police officer involved in the shootings that day; this first part is what the task force has focused on up until now and is what the interim report deals with. The second part has to do with the operational planning, the decision making, training and techniques, and the proper use of rubber bullets in crowd control situations.
Now some specifics of the report:
The interim report states that there is a substantial basis on which to conclude that Romanian gunners attached to the Romanian Formed Police Unit , FPU, are responsible for the four woundingss – two fatal, two serious. This is based upon forensic firearms examination of the projectiles – the rubber bullets that were removed from three victims, two of whom are deceased and one who survived. A fourth victim survived the wounding but the projectile has not been surgically removed. These projectiles are of the type used exclusively by the Romanian gunners. The Romanian gunners utilized three different types of rubber bullets, but only one type, classified as RB1 (which is 18.5 mm), caused the wounds. Fifty-nine rounds of RB1 ammunition were discharged by the Romanian gunners. A total of 10 Romanians with the FPU fired rubber bullets that day. At least eight fired the RB1 rounds. The interim report states that there is a reasonable suspicion that three of the shootings constitute crimes under Kosovo law. Those crimes would be murder and the various types of murder, attempt to commit murder, and inflicting grievous bodily injury. The interim report concludes that at this point the shootings in question appear to be unwarranted and unjustified. Specifically, we reached the conclusion that the deaths of Mon Balaj and Arben Xhelladini, and the wounding of Zenel Zeneli, appear to be unnecessary and avoidable.
The interim report states that at the present time there is not sufficient evidence to support a reasonable suspicion as to which specific Romanian gunners were responsible for firing the wounding shots. No formal initiation of judicial investigation under Kosovo law is permitted without reasonable suspicion that a particular individual committed crimes. The evidence does not permit me to conclude that the entire group of Romanian gunners acted unlawfully. The acts of one, two or three in firing the rubber bullets improperly or in a criminal manner — which I think happened — cannot necessarily be imputed to all of the others. Unfortunately, at this time, we are unable to identify with specificity who acted improperly.
The task force will continue its investigation. Any further evidence regarding criminal liability of a specific police officer will be pursued and considered. A second area of inquiry regarding police planning, operational command, quality of ammunition, tactics and training, and proper standards of police force in crowd control situations (particularly in usage of rubber bullets) is ongoing and will be the subject of a later report. In my report, in the conclusion section, I state the following: In light of the above, UNMIK, the United Nations, and the Government of Romania may consider initiating appropriate procedures for compensation for the surviving family members of those fatally shot and for those seriously wounded.
I urge you to read the interim report and take advantage of your access to the police report.
Questions:
Zëri: Mr. Dean, you said in your report [word indistinct] Romanian shooter was identified and questioned, but I don’t see the names. Is there any specific reason why you are keeping them secret?
Dean: You have access to the police report, you will see the names.
Koha Ditore: Where are the Romanian police officers now?
Dean: I understand they are in Romania.
Koha Ditore: And have you asked them to come back to Kosovo, sir?
Dean: No.
Koha Ditore: Why is that?
Dean: I see no reason to at this point.
AP: Sir, apart from this compensation that you refer to at the conclusion of your report, what other means will you take into bringing those responsible to basically hold responsibility for this?
Dean: Every legal means that I can and that involves...
AP: Can you please elaborate on this?
Dean: Yes. That involves finding witnesses who will be in a position to make a reliable identification of the shooters. We have spent a good part of the last two months trying to find such witnesses.
Zëri: Could you evaluate the Romanian police cooperation? Was it excellent, was it good, was it bad?
Dean: Up until the point that they left, it appeared to be professional as we have wanted it to be. They provided us with many samples of bullets; they were available for interview and re-interview; and I can’t say that about every contingent. Unfortunately, all of the information that I wanted from the Romanians has not been received yet, but while a lot of that comes from, as I understand, Bucharest, and that may even have to come to me through New York, but we are still trying to sort that out. That has to do with records, training records, Romanian standards for use of force and procurement issued about the ammunition, when it was procured and things like that. We were hoping to get it earlier. We haven’t gotten it yet.
Question: So far you have mentioned that there are three or four policemen, police officers who can be held responsible. In fact will all those that have ordered them to shoot be held responsible or only the policemen or the police officers shall be held responsible?
Dean: That’s a very good question. The second part of the investigation is focusing on the chain of command and the decision-making process as to who gave the authority for the use of the rubber bullets. Now the usage of the rubber bullets is not in and of itself criminal. It is a controversial matter, some nations, some jurisdictions do not believe in utilizing rubber bullets for crowd control purposes. It is not the role of my task force to condone or condemn the use of rubber bullets. But there are, and we are going to be exploring this in the second part of the investigation, there are acceptable circumstances for using rubber bullets. I want to know where they are spelled out and how the decision making was made on this particular day. At that time I will be able to make a better answer to your question, but we are pursuing that.
Question: Have the Romanian authorities given you any indication that they would make available their officers in the event of any prosecution?
Dean: I don’t know if I understand the question. Will they send back any particular individual should we have enough to indict? I don’t know. I can’t answer that question.
Question: They haven’t said it?
Dean: No, no.
Monday, April 16, 2007
V-Tech' shootings and other rumblings ...
There was a fatal shooting spree at Virginia Tech yesterday. Over 30 confirmed dead already. This is really, really sad. Souls that went to be educated getting snuffed out so early. My heart and prayers go to the families, friends, and communities that have been affected by this!!!
It is an election month. Among the countries whose fates will be decided this year by the ballot are Timor Leste, Nigeria and France. These elections in all 3 countries are pivotal and momentous. Keep your eyes on them as they will make or break the regions these countries are situated.
I looked at my cross-section of readers and their locations. Interesting demography ... I wish someone from Africa and Central & Eastern Asia will be reading this blog soon.
It is an election month. Among the countries whose fates will be decided this year by the ballot are Timor Leste, Nigeria and France. These elections in all 3 countries are pivotal and momentous. Keep your eyes on them as they will make or break the regions these countries are situated.
I looked at my cross-section of readers and their locations. Interesting demography ... I wish someone from Africa and Central & Eastern Asia will be reading this blog soon.
Happy Post Tax Day ... Yankees
I must be getting too settled here. Deadline for filing taxes passed yesterday and I did not know or remember. Not that it makes any difference, I have always been one of those perpertual late tax filers. It makes no difference to me as I have never made enough to owe Uncle Sam a penny. I will look into filing come July; I am sure IRS peeps will appreciate some of us waiting to give them a breather. Here is to hoping the oil companies, Google and Walmart donated much back to our society.
Due to my self imposed moratorium on reporting acts of violence and, most times, the stupidity on the part of the violent people, I will just continue to share pictures of places that have begun to mean much to me. Another example is the Pristina central bus station. I actually like it much. One can get a bus to most surrounding countries at this station and at a steal also. My best moments are running into Kosovan colleagues from the 'industry' and class; and western backpackers. It takes a certain kind to take a bus long distance :) Below are some clear pictures of the station.
Due to my self imposed moratorium on reporting acts of violence and, most times, the stupidity on the part of the violent people, I will just continue to share pictures of places that have begun to mean much to me. Another example is the Pristina central bus station. I actually like it much. One can get a bus to most surrounding countries at this station and at a steal also. My best moments are running into Kosovan colleagues from the 'industry' and class; and western backpackers. It takes a certain kind to take a bus long distance :) Below are some clear pictures of the station.
Tuesday, April 10, 2007
Monday, April 9, 2007
Tyra and Madonna
First of all, I'd like to apologize for some of my blurry pictures that I posted in the past. I need a new digital camera but I hate digital cameras; you might have to put with some more blurry pictures in the near future.
I was in Sofia ... which I found to be very chic and cute. Coffee houses there were interesting. And the parties were magnifique. Did I mention that I can be a party chic when I want to be? So after 3 days of partying non stop, I decided to slow down my pace and headed to Skopje for rest and relaxation. Pictures from both cities will be posted too soon. I have been craving ice cream lately.
Ok, fantasy revealing time. After watching an episode of American Next Top Model, I started fantasizing about a situation involving Tyra, Madonna and myself. The brain is a great organ to have as it is the ever constant companion.
PS: Happy Easter to those who celebrate it!!!
I was in Sofia ... which I found to be very chic and cute. Coffee houses there were interesting. And the parties were magnifique. Did I mention that I can be a party chic when I want to be? So after 3 days of partying non stop, I decided to slow down my pace and headed to Skopje for rest and relaxation. Pictures from both cities will be posted too soon. I have been craving ice cream lately.
Ok, fantasy revealing time. After watching an episode of American Next Top Model, I started fantasizing about a situation involving Tyra, Madonna and myself. The brain is a great organ to have as it is the ever constant companion.
PS: Happy Easter to those who celebrate it!!!
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